(This section addresses common myths about the RSS, including claims of secrecy, political bias, and divisiveness, countering them with historical facts and the organisation’s actions.)
For every
chapter of dedication penned by the RSS, a counter-narrative of deep suspicion,
political condemnation, and outright myth has been written by its critics. As
the organisation completes its first century, it is vital for any serious
magazine to confront these myths head-on, measuring the allegations against
verifiable historical facts.
Myth 1:
The RSS is a Secret, Closed Organisation
The most common refrain amongst critics is that the RSS is a clandestine body operating behind "iron gates" with a hidden agenda.
The
Reality: As
senior RSS leaders confirmed, this perception is fundamentally at odds with the
organisation's structure. All Shakhas operate in open public grounds—in parks,
school fields, or municipal spaces. They are neither secret nor exclusive. RSS
leaders routinely reiterate that the organisation is "like sugar"—one
must experience it to know it. They openly welcome the general public and
critics to observe or participate.
This perception of secrecy likely arose from
two factors: the RSS's initial lack of media engagement (seeing publicity as
detrimental to selfless service) and its use of a distinct uniform and command
structure, which critics compared to European paramilitary groups. However, the
organisation functions entirely in the light of day, and its goals, structure,
and prayer are openly published.
According
to the RSS leaders, RSS is not a secret organisation but an organisation that
works silently
Myth 2:
The RSS is the Killer of Mahatma Gandhi
This is
the most damaging and politically charged accusation hurled against the RSS,
one that has defined the relationship between the Sangh and the establishment
for decades.
The
Reality: Following
the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi in 1948 by Nathuram Godse (who had been
loosely associated with the RSS at one point before leaving), the organisation
was banned by the government, then headed by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru
and Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel.
However, the ban was conditional. When the government, including Home Minister Patel, failed to establish any institutional link between the RSS and the conspiracy to murder, the ban was lifted in 1949. The matter was definitively closed decades later by the Jivan Lal Kapur Commission (1966–1969), appointed by the then-Congress government under Indira Gandhi. The Commission concluded that whilst Godse was a part of the Hindu Mahasabha and had been an RSS member previously, "the RSS as such were not responsible for the murder of Mahatma Gandhi."
Perhaps
the most potent historical evidence against this enduring political charge came
fifteen years after the assassination. Following the 1962 Sino-Indian War,
where the RSS provided exemplary service to the war effort—managing traffic,
establishing supply lines, security, and coordinating relief in Delhi—Prime
Minister Jawaharlal Nehru personally invited the RSS to participate in the 1963
Republic Day Parade. This gesture, extended by the political adversary who had
previously banned the organisation, was a public acknowledgement of the RSS's
discipline, commitment to the nation, and invaluable service during a moment of
crisis. The spectacle of 3,000 disciplined Swayamsevaks marching on Rajpath,
authorised by Nehru, stands as a potent historical counterpoint to the charge
of anti-nationalism. Later in 1965, during the Indo-Pak war, Prime Minister Lal
Bahadur Shastri invited RSS to take care of Delhi's security and other tasks.
Rahul Gandhi had to retract his accusation against RSS and express regret for his
statement before the Supreme Court in 2016.
Interestingly,
Mahatma Gandhi himself visited a RSS Shaka in Wardha in 1934 and appreciated
them for their equality. In the Organiser
edition (official mouthpiece of RSS) of January 26, 1939, they have published
this picture of Mahatma Gandhi saluting the RSS flag in the camp.
Myth 3:
The RSS Opposed the Freedom Struggle
Critics
often argue that the RSS remained aloof from the Quit India Movement and other
mass protests, thus discrediting its patriotic credentials.
The
Reality: The organisational
decision of the RSS was to prioritise social consolidation and
character-building over participation in direct political confrontation, which
Dr Hedgewar viewed as short-term. He wanted to build youngsters with good
character for managing the country. However, the members were free to
participate in the freedom movement:
·
Founder's Role: Dr Hedgewar was
jailed for revolutionary activities in 1921. Later, he participated in the 1931
Forest Satyagraha, stepping down from his post as Sarsanghchalak to lead a
group of Swayamsevaks who were subsequently imprisoned for nine months.
·
Member Involvement: During
the 1942 Quit India Movement, countless Swayamsevaks participated in the
agitation in their individual capacity. These members provided crucial
underground logistical support and refuge to Congress leaders, including Aruna
Asaf Ali, and helped secure the escape of figures like Vasantdada Patil. Future
leaders like Atal Bihari Vajpayee were jailed during this period as
Swayamsevaks.
The
overall aim of the RSS was to prepare disciplined, patriotic citizens for the
task of post-independence nation-building, an objective it adhered to
throughout the struggle.
Myth 4:
The RSS is a Divisive Force Promoting Hatred
The common
political accusation is that the RSS divides society along religious lines,
focusing only on the Hindu community to the exclusion, and even antagonism, of
others.
The
Reality: RSS
leaders insist that the organisation focuses solely on a positive agenda—the
unity and strengthening of Hindu society without caste discrimination—with no
negative intent or hatred towards any other community. Some RSS observers feel
that since various political parties thrive on dividing people along caste and
religious lines for their vote bank politics, they are unable to accept RSS
which wants to unite the Hindu community without caste discrimination.
According to them, this has made them spread false narratives against RSS. RSS
tries to bring all nationalist people together through Seva Bharati, Vanavasi
Kalyan Ashram, and other organisations. Muslim Rashtriya Manch, an organisation
of lakhs of Nationalist Muslims, also supports RSS.
Rashtra
Sevika Samiti (Women’s wing) has more
than 5100 shakas with 15000 plus weekly/monthly gatherings. This wing trains women for leadership,
including self-defence. They prepare
them for future leaders. It may be noted
that the present Delhi Chief Minister, Rekha Gupta has been trained by Rashtra
Sevika Samiti and the student wing ABVP to become an effective leader.
RSS
leaders reiterate that they are never against any religion or caste. They fight
against people who are against the nation, irrespective of their affiliation.
They also point out that only during the Vajpayee and Modi regimes has India
developed strong relationships with all Muslim countries like Saudi Arabia,
Iran, Iraq, etc. In fact, these countries support India instead of Pakistan,
they argue.
Myth 5: The RSS is a Political Organisation in Cultural Garb
With the
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)—its political offshoot—in power, the line between
the RSS and politics appears to be blurred, feeding the perception that the RSS
is fundamentally political.
The
Reality: The
RSS maintains its identity as a cultural organisation focused on individual and
social transformation. Its political wing, the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS), was
founded in 1951 by Syama Prasad Mookerjee, who sought Pracharaks to assist in
its political work.
The
relationship today is one of a Parivar (family) where different organisations
work in different spheres (politics, labour, students, education, welfare)
towards a shared national objective. The RSS provides personnel (like the
Pracharaks who become Organising Secretaries in the BJP structure, such as B.L.
Santosh) but retains organisational and financial autonomy. A Pracharak taking
on a political role is relieved from their core RSS duties, underscoring the
functional distinction between the cultural root and its political expression.
This model ensures that whilst RSS ideology informs national policy, the
day-to-day organisational energy remains committed to the non-political Shakha
and service work. Though RSS does not involve itself directly in political
works, they do not hesitate to enter the fray whenever the nation faces a
political crisis. In the post-Emergency era, during the 1977 general elections,
RSS ensured the defeat of Indira Gandhi to restore democracy. Similarly, when
corruption was at its peak, during the 2014 general elections, RSS worked at
the ground level to make Narendra Modi Prime Minister with a huge majority.
"RSS is like a fire engine. It will come out only when the need
arises," said one senior RSS leader.
Concluding Reflection
A century
after its founding, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh continues to be defined by
its greatest asset: discipline and selfless dedication. For its critics, the
challenge is to separate the political actions of the Parivar's affiliates from
the social and cultural work of the core body. For the Swayamsevak, the
challenge is to maintain the purity of their founding principle—service without
expectation—in an era of unprecedented visibility and political power.
The
survival of the RSS, unlike many other idealistically founded bodies of the
1920s, is a testament to the effectiveness of its cadre-building model. It has
proven that a dedicated, disciplined, grassroots effort, cemented by a single,
powerful Prarthana of national devotion, can reshape the political and social
landscape of a nation over a hundred years.
Though RSS
is doing yeoman service to society and the nation silently, for obvious
reasons, they do not publicise their activities. In the age of social media and
Instagram, critics spread false narratives. Unless the correct narrative is
spread, the present younger generation, the future pillars of the nation, may
carry a negative perception about RSS. These are days when even 'flower shops'
need publicity. In the interest of the nation, RSS should rethink its 'No
publicity' policy and set up an effective team to counter the repeated false
narratives, which may be believed by the young generation as true.
Source: This is the Cover Story Part III published in October 2025 edition of PreSense
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